We're getting a chance to observe this right now as the Trump administration commits acts of war against Venezuela. These are not necessarily crimes in any sense, even the 'international law' sense: nations are permitted to conduct wars against each other. A blockade of Venezuela is by definition an act of war; it isn't obviously a crime.
However, blockades can become crimes -- either war crimes or crimes against humanity -- if they meet certain criteria. Although otherwise legal, there are limits in the rules as to how the nations are allowed to fight.
Meanwhile, the imposition of the blockade by the United States in order to extract control of Venezuela's oil fields -- which the President outright says is his intention -- may be an act of aggression. Aggression is a crime, indeed in some sense it is the crime, under the international laws of war. The only argument against this being US aggression is that Venezuela decades ago nationalized oil fields that US companies had developed, which the President describes as theft (as, indeed, it was; but nations are permitted to steal, too, at least things in their own territories). So far none of these companies are agreeing to take back their old facilities even if the President can extract them by blockade or other force. What happens if you conquer an oil field and nobody will operate it?
An aside: Venezuela asked for a UN Security Council emergency meeting to discuss the charge of US aggression, which led to a rather laughable display by the Chinese Communist government, backing Venezuela's play:
“China supports Venezuela’s request to convene an emergency meeting of the UN Security Council,” Chinese Foreign Ministry spokesman Guo Jiakun told a news conference in Beijing.Guo said China “opposes all forms of unilateral bullying and supports countries in safeguarding their sovereignty and national dignity,” according to the Beijing-based daily Global Times.
Yes, famously; tell it to the Philippines, to say nothing of Taiwan. Tibet and the Uighur have their national aspirations suppressed genocidally, but sure. Still, just because the Chinese government are hypocrites doesn't mean they're not right that the US is engaging in the war crime of aggression here: very likely the administration is committing that crime before our eyes.
To return to the discussion: Blowing up Venezuelan-based cartel smugglers is not necessarily an act of war, since it's aimed at stateless actors not clearly aligned with any government. There is some discussion of whether it is nevertheless a war crime. It might seem strange that an act of non-war could be a war crime, and there's only a narrow path to finding it so, but that's where you end up with 'international law.'
It seems very likely to me that the Trump administration is committing the war crime of aggression by blockading Venezuela; it is certainly already committing acts of war against Venezuela, which means that even absent a declaration we are already at war with Venezuela. That doesn't matter legally, since the United States is a permanent member of the Security Council and will certainly veto any attempt to hold it responsible for doing so.
It merits notice, at least. We should at least speak the truth. These laws aren't really laws, and they're not enforceable, and the institutions that claim the power to enforce them are jokes at best; the diplomacy around it is hypocritical to the point of being ridiculous. Nevertheless, it does look as if the US is committing an act of war that is a war crime against a nation that has not in fact attacked us in any way that would violate the rules.
32 comments:
I'm far from a lawyer, for all that I've written a couple of books in the general matter of law. But I've never found anything in law, domestic or international, that defines act or acts of war. The only thing I've found that even comes close is Emer de Vattel's The Law of Nations, of some 265-ish years ago. And he only peripherally approached such a definition. In any event, that's not a legally binding document, nor was it at the time.
Perhaps someone of those who cry a violation of "laws of war" can cite the statute or international law that defines the law of war being violated. Or better, cite the specific law or laws of war being violated.
Nor am I aware of any blockade of Venezuela. I am aware of Trump's order of a naval blockade of already sanctioned--and only of sanctioned--oil tankers. Unsanctioned oil tankers, other shipping carrying legitimate cargo, aircraft, etc are free to come and go as they wish.
Trump's moves may or may not be sound politics or sound security measures, but so far they are not illegal.
Eric Hines
This is old enough to be common law, in the international sense. However, it is treated in the 1856 Declaration Respecting Maritime Law, which explicitly governs acts of war at sea. Blockades are often legal. Other acts, like privateering, were made illegal.
https://ihl-databases.icrc.org/en/ihl-treaties/paris-decl-1856/declaration?activeTab=
The Paris Declaration Respecting Maritime Law has no relevance here; neither the US nor Venezuela are signatories. That the US has, from time to time, adhered to many of the principles also is of no consequence; we did so at convenience, not obligation.
And, again, the US is engaging in no blockade.
Huntsman, has another take on the matter here: https://x.com/maphumanintent/status/2001293585208025357?s=20
Eric Hines
I know Huntsman, he's a very smart young man with a strong background in logistics.
Nevertheless, that a blockade is an act of war is true. That there's no applicable international law is also true -- it's a joke, as I said in the OP. So sure, we didn't sign that particular treaty; but the treaty didn't aim at establishing what was and wasn't an act of war. It sought to make agreements about acts of war. Everyone understood this was one, and so if they were going to write about acts of war in the maritime space, they should talk about blockades.
There's not a viable court that can do anything about it one way or the other, so there's no reason to try to build a legal defense or look for technicalities that can be defended towards that end. I just would like to speak the truth about what's happening. Blockades aren't always war crimes; they are always acts of war. In The Three Musketeers, which is a work of fiction from 1844 (about ten years before the treaty) just a declaration cutting of shipping between France and England and closing the ports is taken as a declaration of war. If you threw up a naval blockade to prevent ships from entering enemy ports, that's well beyond that.
To say that the US is not engaging in a blockade because they are allowing some shipping through is, likewise, to ignore what the word has always meant. The Paris declaration allows for quite a bit of shipping to proceed even in a legitimate blockade; you have to allow neutral ships, for example, although you can seize contraband off of them. (This is what the naval blockade of the South looked like in the Civil War as well; a British ship might be stopped by the US Navy, but they would only arrest Confederates aboard and seize cotton or other goods coming from the Confederacy headed for UK ports. That's how Sidney Lanier ended up in prison, contracting the disease that killed him: He refused to don a British uniform and evade capture under false pretenses, an act of honor that cost him his life eventually, and all humanity a talented poet and musician before his time.)
In addition, the President’s remarks make very clear that he intends to use the “Armada” surrounding Venezuela to extract concessions from the nation, especially oil field based ones. That demand clarifies beyond doubt that this is an act of war; he’s not trying to purchase or negotiate for the oil, he’s demanding it based on this deployment of an Armada of warships. I don’t even know a euphemism that would cover such a bald-faced action. I can’t see what else one could call it.
To say that the US is not engaging in a blockade because they are allowing some shipping through is, likewise, to ignore what the word has always meant.
Here are two legal definitions of "what the word has always meant:"
BLOCKADE, international law. The actual investment of a port or place by a hostile force fully competent to cut off all communication therewith, so arranged or disposed as to be able to apply its force to every point of practicable access or approach to the port or place so invested. https://legal-dictionary.thefreedictionary.com/blockade
A blockade is the act of isolating a nation, area, city, or harbor by hostile forces, typically military ships, to prevent the movement of goods and people. In the context of international law, a blockade is a strategy used by a belligerent party to stop access to or from an enemy's ports. https://legal-resources.uslegalforms.com/b/blockade
All access, not some access. What Trump calls it and what it is are two different things. He's well known for speaking metaphorically, trollingly, loosely, sometimes all three. Keep in mind his qualifiers, too: " I am ordering A TOTAL AND COMPLETE BLOCKADE OF ALL SANCTIONED OIL TANKERS going into, and out of, Venezuela." https://www.reuters.com/world/americas/trump-orders-blockade-sanctioned-oil-tankers-leaving-entering-venezuela-2025-12-16/
There's no blockade of any legal definition going on against Venezuela.
In any event, the Declaration Respecting Maritime Law didn't claim a blockade was an act of war; it only defined what it had to be in order to be binding. There's no act of war here, albeit it's a highly aggressive move.
It'll be more instructive when Maduro carries out his threat to have his navy escort the sanctioned vessels, and we react, or don't react.
Eric Hines
On reflection, I want to clarify that when I say "I know Huntsman," I don't mean that I know of him. He was a Senior Fellow of the Security Studies Group, a fellowship I obtained for him based on my strong impression of his intelligence and experience. I like the guy. I understand the point he's making, but for my money it's to the side.
We know that the President intends a blockade -- he said so, "a total blockade." We know he intends this as an act of war, because he declared that he intends to use the Armada to secure territorial/mineral concessions from a sovereign nation without their consent by main force. That is definitely war, not some sort of police action about oil smuggling by stateless ships.
I also know the adage that we are supposed to take President Trump "seriously, but not literally." But I can't see any way of even taking him seriously that doesn't entail the conclusion that we are at war with Venezuela.
I leave open the question of whether this does or doesn't constitute the war crime of aggression. I think there's a very good chance that it does. That doesn't really mean anything, because international law is an unenforceable joke. All the same, it ought to be said honestly and openly; and whatever its consequences are, accepted and dealt with.
Hmm....
My comment offering legal definitions of "blockade" from two different sources isn't present anymore. Google messing up again?
Anyway, the too long to repost gist is that both definitions required a total cutoff of [sea] communications with the targeted nation, coastal region, or port, not any partial cutoff.
Which brings me to what Trump actually said about his move against Venezuela:
today, I am ordering A TOTAL AND COMPLETE BLOCKADE OF ALL SANCTIONED OIL TANKERS going into, and out of, Venezuela. from Reuters (since I don't have a Truth Social account) https://www.reuters.com/world/americas/trump-orders-blockade-sanctioned-oil-tankers-leaving-entering-venezuela-2025-12-16/
That qualifier demonstrates the lack of required totality. Whatever Trump chooses to call it--he does, very often, speak metaphorically, or trollingly, or loosely, or all three--it's not a blockade in any legal sense, nor does he intend it to be. He assuredly does intend "a total blockade."
Another part of my missing comment was this: It'll be instructive to see Trump's reaction, or lack, if Maduro follows through on his threat to have his navy escort the sanctioned oil tankers.
Eric Hines
I'm done with this thread. The comment I posted earlier today has been deleted already. That's two of my comments in this thread in the last two days that Google has deleted.
Apparently Sundar Pichai can't stand to have commentary with links to opinions differing from his approved opinions and to facts that dispute his predetermined narrative.
Eric Hines
Thanks for telling me. Quite a few comments from regulars had been moved to spam — two from you, several from David Foster, and raven too. I’ve restored all of them. Let me know if it happens again. But yes, it’s a problem with Alphabet not liking free speech.
I definitely thought it was strange that you had not responded. You’re not one to give up on an argument.
“ nice customs curtsy to great kings. Dear Kate, you and I cannot be confined within the weak list of a country’s fashion. We are the makers of manners, Kate”
Or, if you prefer, “I don’t follow precedents, I make them”
Or, my own attitude: I don't have it made in the shade; I am the shade.
Separately, please sign your comments, even if with a pseudonym. It helps us tell one anonymous from another, which in turn helps us keep track of where each of us is in the discussion and who we're answering and who's answering us.
It's also a rule of the Hall.
Eric Hines
Welcome, however. Nice Henry V quotation.
Merchant mariner & maritime history prof Sal Mercogliano argues this is an embargo, not a blockade. The only vessels "blockaded" are stateless (AKA sanctioned) vessels and they are not protected by law. Basically, Trump's just declared we're doing what any navy can legally do under Admiralty law -- stop, board, and seize stateless vessels.
Outside of the legal argument, he also covers the effects of US actions on shipping and some related stuff.
https://youtu.be/ws0L0wu8SI0?si=Sp2PJFzDXISPpVZE
- Tom
That said, in another post Sal points out that the second freighter we've stopped has a valid Panamanian registry, so it is protected under Admiralty law. Whether this is legal or not depends on whether we went through the proper channels with the Panamanian registry to stop the freighter.
- Tom
The charge of aggression doesn't turn on the issue of whether or not the blockade is effective, or legal; I personally think that this does constitute a blockade, but the issues are severable. If one takes the President seriously, he intends (a crucial component in criminal law) the territorial/mineral seizure by main force against a nation that has not aggressed against us, using either a blockade or a blockade-like method (the subject of most of this debate) as the means to that end. That's dispositive of the more serious charge.
If one takes the President seriously, he intends (a crucial component in criminal law) the territorial/mineral seizure by main force against a nation that has not aggressed against us....
A couple of thoughts on this.
If we take Trump at his word, the minerals/territory he intends to seize are those oil and natural gas assets that Chavez seized from American owners in the years before Maduro. Trump considers that those assets were stolen; he's not the only one who thinks Chavez badly and nakedly abused his governmental authority to effect the seizure. That seizure, in my opinion, constitutes aggression against us and wants response up to and including main force to effect recovery.
Trump's seizure, if that's what he intends beyond his partial blockade, may also be intended to deny those assets to the PRC. The oil and natural gas currently exported from those fields to the PRC are chump change from the PRC's perspective, but in the larger picture to move toward blocking and reducing PRC influence and asset access throughout the region. Denying the PRC asset access also moves to prevent the PRC from blocking our access to those same assets.
Beyond that, Trump's moves could be (also) intended to deny Venezuela any ability to sell its oil and natural gas. 70% of those exports are via sanctioned shipping. Trump isn't the only one who considers Venezuela a rogue state and so fair game for being cut off economically until some government there mends the current government's ways.
A couple of perhaps unintended side effects: Trump's build up and actions at sea seem to have stopped Maduro's build up in eastern Venezuela and his preparations to invade Guyana and seize that nation's oil and natural gas fields.
On top of that, Venezuela's oil shipments to Cuba have been drastically reduced, while Cuba depends on oil imports for its energy: over half of its oil consumption (which is only a large fraction of its total need) is imported; the majority of that is from Venezuela. Mexico is its second largest source, and it ships a pittance compared with Venezuela.
Eric Hines
I think I have the gist of your charge, then.
- Tom
That’s good, although it isn’t mine. It’s Venezuela that is raising the charge. I’m just passing a judgment on it.
One possible solution is that we don’t care about the so-called laws. Power suffices. I honestly suspect that is true and the case, so long as it is OUR power— particularly when the government is one we take as being on our side, and acting in accordance with what we agree are the national interests. The so-called laws are a joke, after all; their alleged enforcers are powerless hypocrites.
If that’s the truth, well that we say it is. But that too has consequences.
One possible solution is that we don’t care about the so-called laws.
I, for one, don't care a fig about so-called laws. I do care, exclusively, about actual laws, our written-down statutes and the principles and laws carried in our written-down Constitution.
So far, no actual law has been violated by the partial blockade of sanctioned oil ships heading into and out of Venezuela. That's certainly an aggressive move, and Trump does often, as here, walk right up to the boundary of what's legal and then walk the edge of that parapet for quite a ways. But he's not stepped over, yet, with his moves vis-a-vis Venezuela.
Eric Hines
Let's try a different question: leaving aside the discussion about whether he has, what happens if he does do so in a manner you would also accept? Aggression is a war crime, the war crime. What then? Fight over the legality of it because VZ nationalized oil fields long ago? Something else?
Aggression isn't a war crime. If it were, so would be tariffs as foreign policy used to coerce more cooperative behavior out of the target nation. So would making demonstrations just outside the national boundary of the target nation. So would be sanctioning another nation's high officials or businesses. So would be adjusting the international price of oil in a manner damaging to a target nation's economy. So would....
Taking, for example, your example of Chavez having seized American oil fields and production facilities--my term; lots of experts at the time rejected the term "nationalize" because the compensation was badly unjust--pennies on the dollar seized--Trump using force to take them back would be, in my opinion, entirely justified. Were he to go beyond additional measures necessary to protect the recapture, that would become strongly arguable as unjust. In that light, Maduro responding with force to the reseizure would expose his forces at their source to destruction.
As I mentioned above, it's Venezuela that is the aggressor; at this point, we're merely responding.
Related, what would a proportional response look like? I've long held that tit-for-tat "proportionality" is an immoral extension of the bloodletting for both sides. Proper, true, proportionality would be the elimination of the aggressor's ability to aggress again for years.
Keep in mind, too, that these exchanges with Venezuela aren't only about Venezuela or us. Both nations are speaking to the world at large, particularly us vis-a-vis Russia, Iran, northern Korea, and the PRC. That broader audience, when they attack us--as at least one of them most assuredly will, and sooner than we're ready--they will inflict total war on us all across the spectrum. For us to respond with less than that would be immoral, cowardly, and expose us to being conquered and enslaved. It's important, therefore, to respond to Venezuela's aggression in a manner that will give, at the least, Russia and the PRC pause.
Eric Hines
If aggression isn't a war crime -- which, by the way, is directly contradictory to the whole structure of the laws of war, such as they are -- then there is no reason to object to Russia seizing whatever it can of Georgia (which they did while the 3rd Georgian Brigade was deployed with us in Iraq -- I was there with them at the time). There's no reason to object to Russia's seizure of whatever it can take of Ukraine, or China's of Taiwan. It's all just power, and the devil take the hindmost.
I think that's really the case, to be sure, but we have since about WWII pretended that it was not. If it is in fact so, as I suppose it probably is, the gods of the copybook headings with terror and slaughter return.
Aggression per se isn't an act of war, as I think I showed just above.
Alternatively, if it is, then Venezuela has been making war on us since Chavez aggressed against us when he seized American-owned oil fields and associated production facilities. In which case our actions are a gentle response to Venezuela's war.
What is contrary to laws of war, such as they are, would be the initial, non-preemptive, use of physical force on the forces or the territory of the targeted nation. That's absent from our response to Venezuela's aggression. If it were to happen, it would be a justified response to Venezuela's aggression/act of war against us.
This whole discussion is demonstrating another dimension. What is lawful or unlawful is a matter of perspective. An action violated a law? It's an unjust law. Change it, or strike it. Courts do that all the time. It's also the point of civil disobedience and a not uncommon outcome of that disobedience. The winner decides.
In actual war--which either exists in relation to Venezuela from its war on us, or it does not, since aggression per se is not an act of war--"the winner decides" is just more naked.
That also is part of the laws of war: spoils of war are the victor's. Conquered territory, if held long enough (a carefully undefined interval), become internationally recognized as the territory of the conqueror.
Separately, I'd really like to hear from others, also. Tom, perhaps, and/or Douglas, others whom I can't think of just yet. That's not to suggest you and I are done; I'd just like the discussion broadened.
Eric Hines
Isn’t Trump relying on the Deep State to get his information about the actions of Venezuela? But I thought we can never trust them at all. Isn’t the Deep State just setting him up?
—Frank
It depends on whom he's listening to. The intel community, State, and DoD have seen the departure of quite a number of civil servants/bureaucrats and senior military officers, and their replacements--fewer in number--are more dedicated to serving the President's agenda. There is likely an importantly large number of civil servants/bureaucrats and senior military officers who remain and who remain insistent on imposing their agenda rather than the President's--these are the deep state.
I think the deep state's influence is quite a bit less than it was.
Eric Hines
As I understand it, you or I could get a crew and a boat and seize one of those stateless tankers, and there would be nothing wrong with it (though I don't know how you'd deal with the cargo). Hard to see how Trump ordering it then makes it an act of war.
"The charge of aggression doesn't turn on the issue of whether or not the blockade is effective, or legal"
Given that you earlier said the charge of aggression is a "war crime", how can it then be "legal"? I do not get the gist.
Mr. Hines, I've come late to this, but you've laid it out as I would and probably better. I have little to add.
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