A Partial Defense of Massie's Impeachment
Happy Birthday, Marines
Mood Music and Examples for Stoicism
Mood Music
Stan Rogers gives us a good example of Stoicism ...
... and a bad example of Stoicism.
Epictetus and the Body Not Our Own
I recently decided to read Grim's commentary on Epictetus's Enchiridion. I was quite busy with other things when he went through it. I only intend to post about this when I have something to say that's different from what Grim and the discussion in the post comments do, so I'm not sure how many posts on this I'll make.
The Enchiridion begins with some shocking claims. The first two paragraphs of the first chapter are:
There are things which are within our power, and there are things which are beyond our power. Within our power are opinion, aim, desire, aversion, and, in one word, whatever affairs are our own. Beyond our power are body, property, reputation, office, and, in one word, whatever are not properly our own affairs.
Now the things within our power are by nature free, unrestricted, unhindered; but those beyond our power are weak, dependent, restricted, alien. Remember, then, that if you attribute freedom to things by nature dependent and take what belongs to others for your own, you will be hindered, you will lament, you will be disturbed, you will find fault both with gods and men. But if you take for your own only that which is your own and view what belongs to others just as it really is, then no one will ever compel you, no one will restrict you; you will find fault with no one, you will accuse no one, you will do nothing against your will; no one will hurt you, you will not have an enemy, nor will you suffer any harm.
That final sentence is quite radical. It may sound simple: Mind your own business and you'll be free. However, Epictetus puts the body beyond our powers; the body is alien, in his terms. Bluntly, your body is not only not your own, it's not even your business. Your property, too, is not your own or your business. "Mind your own business" takes on quite a different meaning here than I'm used to.
Epictetus was born a slave and so it was true that his body belonged to someone else, at least until he was freed, but he is saying his body wasn't his own even as a free man. Considering this, when he claims that if you consider your body beyond your power and therefore your concern, his claim that "no one will ever compel you, no one will restrict you ... you will do nothing against your will; no one will hurt you, you will not have an enemy, nor will you suffer any harm" makes sense. Even if you are enslaved, maimed or killed, your body is not your own, so no one has compelled, restricted, or harmed you. That is great freedom, I suppose.
This runs counter to what I think have been the normal American assumptions that our bodies and property are in fact our own. Whole branches of law would collapse if that suddenly changed. It also goes against what I take to be the Christian view that a human is a body and a soul. We are both; this is why were were created immortal and why we will have a bodily resurrection and embodied immortality, and also why Jesus was fully human as well as fully God.
On the other hand, we can think that God gave us our bodies, so they properly belong to Him. Still, if that is so, then it would also seem that our entire existence, including "opinion, aim, desire, aversion, and, in one word, whatever affairs are our own" also belong to Him. Maybe that is where free will comes into play; we have these things as a free gift and it is our choice to align them with His will or not. Epictetus seems to align more with Christianity than American values. Although he wasn't a Christian, both he and Christianity are ancient, so it makes sense they'd have more in common than either would with modernity.
All that said, for most or maybe all of us, don't others have some claim on our bodies? We don't think of it that way I suppose, but those we are in close relationships with, or our communities, for example, make claims on us and we meet those claims with our bodies. If my elderly mentor needs a ride to the hospital, then I will use my body to drive him there. Or, if a young man is drafted for war, he must respond with his body or face bodily consequences for refusing. We tend think ill of a parent who abandons his or her children to pursue selfish passions. Maybe our bodies aren't our own.
Well, with a first chapter like this, the book should be quite enlightening. I look forward to seeing where it goes and reading the commentary and comments as I go.
To Make Peace, to Make War
Security
Annales Bertiniani
I was able to turn up all the sources you mentioned (Wickham, France, Halsall, Costambeys et al). These is a very humbling bibliography to be arguing against, but I'm still dubious that things are as simple as they seem.France calls this passage (AB 859) 'crucial' for our understanding of the period, which seems to be dominated by the opinion that as the Carolingian kings consolidated power, they forbade peasants from arming themselves, and they enforced their law with the sword. As you might imagine, this story fits in well with Marxist perspectives, which want to emphasize class warfare, as well as military-minded historians, who tend to valorize the role of Great Men like Charlemagne whenever possible. Unfortunately, it depends upon an awkward bit of Latin in a text that had limited if any circulation at the time it was produced, and which survived to the modern period in only a handful of not-so-great copies. It also strikes me as jarring against reality—as the Carolingian empire was falling apart and viking raids were reaching a peak, I think it's more likely to see the Carolingian kings in a desperate scramble rather than at a moment of gathering power.Wickham suggests the passage is problematic by using it to raise questions, but then he charges recklessly forward without really resolving them. Halsall buries his assessment in a footnote, blithely stating: 'Earlier editors assumed that the passage must have referred to Viking potentiores but Nelson's rendering [that the vikings are the ones doing the slaughtering] seems more accurate' (263 n 168). And as we saw, Nelson makes the suggestion that this is how the passage should be read, but she doesn't put forth any argument to substantiate this reading. So there's really not too much to work from—a scholarly consensus, perhaps, but not one built on substantive argumentation.
He humbly suggests returning to the source, of which he offers his own translation. Here is the passage:
Dani loca ultra Scaldem populantur. Vulgus promiscuum inter Sequanam et Ligerim inter se conjurans adversus Danos in Sequana consistentes, fortiter resistit; sed quia incaute suscepta est eorum conjuratio, a potentioribus nostris facile interficiuntur.
The proper nouns are pretty clear: Dani/Danos are 'Danes,' Sequana/Sequanam is 'the Seine,' and thus 'inter Sequanam et Ligerim' is 'between the Seine and the Loire.' 'Scaldem' is the Scheldt, which was called Scaldis by the Romans, and this is thus a slightly bastardized Frankish version of that word.
I would read 'se conjurans adversus Danos in Sequana' around the verb, which is a cognate of 'conjured' in English; the etymology of that word is thus helpful.
...from Old French conjurer "invoke, conjure" (12c.) and directly from Latin coniurare "to swear together; conspire," from assimilated form of com "with, together" (see con-) + iurare "to swear," from ius (genitive iuris) "law, an oath" (see jurist).
So the standard reading, that they formed a sworn association to fight the Danes ('adversus Danos') seems clear enough. Thus, the closing passage returns to their 'conjuratio,' which is the association that they 'conjured' into being; it says it was incaute, which is a word that people fight about how to interpret. The one writer I quoted above prefers 'unexpected' rather than 'without proper authority' or 'without due consideration.' A French translation gives it as "mais sa conjuration étant conduite sans prudence," which literally means 'but their conjuration/association was conducted without prudence,' prudence here being the virtue that was of such importance to Medieval clerics as it had been to the Greeks.
In any case, it's worth remembering that even in the face of outside threats like Viking raiders, your most chief and deadly enemy is always your own government. They would rather see the land ravaged by foreigners than yield power back to the people; this truth seems to hold across more than a thousand years.
Hundreds of German Monastic Manuscripts Online
A Hopeful Election Projection
Roads to Warsaw
Neuromancer 2026
"I'm not Wintermute now.""So what are you." He drank from the flask, feeling nothing."I'm the matrix, Case."Case laughed. "Where's that get you?""Nowhere. Everywhere. I'm the sum total of the works, thewhole show.""That what 3Jane's mother wanted?""No. She couldn't imagine what I'd be like." The yellowsmile widened."So what's the score? How are things different? You runningthe world now? You God?""Things aren't different. Things are things.""But what do you do? You just there?" Case shrugged, putthe vodka and the shuriken down on the cabinet and lit aYeheyuan."I talk to my own kind.""But you're the whole thing. Talk to yourself?""There's others. I found one already. Series of transmissionsrecorded over a period of eight years, in the nineteen-seventies.'Til there was me, natch, there was nobody to know, nobodyto answer.""From where?""Centauri system.""Oh," Case said. "Yeah?"
It's an interesting time to be alive.



