The Ongoing Campaign

No votes are yet cast in this primary season, but political forecasters are becoming united on two predictions.

1)  Former governor Romney has almost locked up the establishment Republican party, and is therefore the presumptive nominee.

2)  The only people who seem not to get this are the voters, who will simply have to adjust to reality.

It's certainly true that Romney has taken a very different approach to the election than, say, Herman Cain.  Romney has spent a tremendous amount of effort on fundraising, lining up endorsements, and swinging the political establishment into his corner.  He's hardly said a word to us, though -- aside from appearing in the debates, he's not really talking to the American people.  I don't even know why he wants to be President.  I just know that he's wanted it for a long, long time -- long enough to have endorsed the then-popular opposites of every position he seems to be advocating this time.  

Herman Cain was on the local radio show the other day.  He was laughing, joking with the host, talking about his plans and why I ought to want to vote for him.  He's taking a month off from what is usually called 'the campaign trail' -- that is, doing what Romney is doing -- to promote his book on running for President.  This will include traveling to bookstores around the country, meeting people and shaking their hands in person, and asking them to consider his case and give him their vote.


Is that because we've grown so large as a democracy that you really can't win by talking to people, shaking their hand, and asking for their vote?  I wonder what the consequences of that must be.

Aquinas on Polygamy

St. Thomas Aquinas wrote a very great deal on marriage -- from the supplement to the third part of the Summa Theologica, questions 41 through 68 in this index, with the various questions containing sub-articles.  I'm going to give a very general introduction on how to read Aquinas, as the medieval scholastic form of argument is different from (and rather more sophisticated than) anything we do today.  Then I will talk about two of the articles most relevant to our discussion on principles underlying marriage and whether or not polygamy is coherent with them.

The Summa Theologica is written in a style that intends to help those who are studying to become priests or other religious ministers to the people.  Its intent is to help them understand not just what the Catholic doctrine is, nor even just why it is what it is.  Rather, it intends to make certain that they understand the substance of objections against that doctrine, good reasons why people might raise the objections, and why those objections have been refuted.

For that reason, it follows this form:  It begins by questioning some aspect of doctrine (e.g., "Does God Exist?").  Then it breaks that question into several relevant forms.  Then it offers evidence and argument in favor of the proposition that the Summa later intends to disprove.  Generally these arguments are very good; in fact, we will be looking at one argument we may think is better than the response Aquinas gives.

Having raised very specific objections, Aquinas gives the doctrinal answer ("on the contrary....") and then explains the position of the Church.  This detailed explanation is called the "corpus," or body of the response; here it is the part that begins "I answer that...."  Then, finally, each question has specific responses to every one of the arguments raised against the doctrine.

So, let's look at two specific questions.  The first one has to do with marriage as an element of natural law.  (As most of you probably know, "Tully" here is Cicero; "The Philosopher" is Aristotle; )
Whether matrimony is of natural law?
Objection 1: It would seem that matrimony is not natural. Because "the natural law is what nature has taught all animals" [*Digest. I, i, de justitia et jure, 1]. But in other animals the sexes are united without matrimony. Therefore matrimony is not of natural law.
Objection 1: Further, that which is of natural law is found in all men with regard to their every state. But matrimony was not in every state of man, for as Tully says (De Inv. Rhet.), "at the beginning men were savages and then no man knew his own children, nor was he bound by any marriage tie," wherein matrimony consists. Therefore it is not natural.
Objection 3: Further, natural things are the same among all. But matrimony is not in the same way among all, since its practice varies according to the various laws. Therefore it is not natural.
Objection 4: Further, those things without which the intention of nature can be maintained would seem not to be natural. But nature intends the preservation of the species by generation which is possible without matrimony, as in the case of fornicators. Therefore matrimony is not natural. 
On the contrary, At the commencement of the Digests it is stated: "The union of male and female, which we call matrimony, is of natural law."
Further, the Philosopher (Ethic. viii, 12) says that "man is an animal more inclined by nature to connubial than political society." But "man is naturally a political and gregarious animal," as the same author asserts (Polit. i, 2). Therefore he is naturally inclined to connubial union, and thus the conjugal union or matrimony is natural.
I answer that, A thing is said to be natural in two ways. First, as resulting of necessity from the principles of nature; thus upward movement is natural to fire. In this way matrimony is not natural, nor are any of those things that come to pass at the intervention or motion of the free-will. Secondly, that is said to be natural to which nature inclines although it comes to pass through the intervention of the free-will; thus acts of virtue and the virtues themselves are called natural; and in this way matrimony is natural, because natural reason inclines thereto in two ways. First, in relation to the principal end of matrimony, namely the good of the offspring. For nature intends not only the begetting of offspring, but also its education and development until it reach the perfect state of man as man, and that is the state of virtue. Hence, according to the Philosopher (Ethic. viii, 11,12), we derive three things from our parents, namely "existence," "nourishment," and "education." Now a child cannot be brought up and instructed unless it have certain and definite parents, and this would not be the case unless there were a tie between the man and a definite woman and it is in this that matrimony consists. Secondly, in relation to the secondary end of matrimony, which is the mutual services which married persons render one another in household matters. For just as natural reason dictates that men should live together, since one is not self-sufficient in all things concerning life, for which reason man is described as being naturally inclined to political society, so too among those works that are necessary for human life some are becoming to men, others to women. Wherefore nature inculcates that society of man and woman which consists in matrimony. These two reasons are given by the Philosopher (Ethic. viii, 11,12).
Reply to Objection 1: Man's nature inclines to a thing in two ways. In one way, because that thing is becoming to the generic nature, and this is common to all animals; in another way because it is becoming to the nature of the difference, whereby the human species in so far as it is rational overflows the genus; such is an act of prudence or temperance. And just as the generic nature, though one in all animals, yet is not in all in the same way, so neither does it incline in the same way in all, but in a way befitting each one. Accordingly man's nature inclines to matrimony on the part of the difference, as regards the second reason given above; wherefore the Philosopher (Ethic. viii, 11,12; Polit. i) gives this reason in men over other animals; but as regards the first reason it inclines on the part of the genus; wherefore he says that the begetting of offspring is common to all animals. Yet nature does not incline thereto in the same way in all animals; since there are animals whose offspring are able to seek food immediately after birth, or are sufficiently fed by their mother; and in these there is no tie between male and female; whereas in those whose offspring needs the support of both parents, although for a short time, there is a certain tie, as may be seen in certain birds. In man, however, since the child needs the parents' care for a long time, there is a very great tie between male and female, to which tie even the generic nature inclines.
Reply to Objection 2: The assertion of Tully may be true of some particular nation, provided we understand it as referring to the proximate beginning of that nation when it became a nation distinct from others; for that to which natural reason inclines is not realized in all things, and this statement is not universally true, since Holy Writ states that there has been matrimony from the beginning of the human race.
Reply to Objection 3: According to the Philosopher (Ethic. vii) "human nature is not unchangeable as the Divine nature is." Hence things that are of natural law vary according to the various states and conditions of men; although those which naturally pertain to things Divine nowise vary.
Reply to Objection 4: Nature intends not only being in the offspring, but also perfect being, for which matrimony is necessary, as shown above.
The parts in both bold and italic are my highlights.

Aquinas says that there are two ways of being in accord with nature.  The first is simply to be beholden to things like physics -- determination, in other words, by the laws of nature such as gravity.  (Gravity is the most obvious example to us today, but was not to Aquinas; the example of fire's 'natural motion' upwards is taken from Aristotle's Physics.)

The other way is to direct your freely-chosen actions at the perfection of nature.  Therefore virtue, and the virtues, are not only natural but the perfection of your nature.  This is correct, because the virtues are virtues for everyone:
No matter what your goals, or your other moral values, courage is a virtue for you: it will help you achieve them. An ability to understand your duty and to command yourself to fulfill it will be useful to every man, and every woman, and every child. This moral reality is embedded in the structure of the world.
Thus, for example, it is perfectly natural (in the first sense) for a man to desire to sleep with as many women as possible; there are certain physical drives, such as the operation of pheromones, that drive him to it.  It is also very much in accord with natural law (in the second sense) to regulate the sexual urge so that he instead more perfectly completes it.

Why? Because the foremost point of sexuality is procreation; but the point of procreation is to produce not children but new adults. A man who is loyal to a wife is more likely not only to produce a child, but to raise it and educate it properly.

Notice that Aquinas defines this as the principle end of matrimony, and not just sexuality:  thus, marriage is not chiefly about the happiness of the two married persons.  This is close to the point I have been arguing -- that marriage is the creation of kinship bonds that unite bloodlines across generations.  Aquinas puts more emphasis on the subsequent generation (the offspring) than I do; I think the duties to the previous generations are also very important.  One has a duty to one's father, and to one's father-in-law; to one's mother, and mother-in-law; and to the memories and ideals of those who went before.

In any case, this is the foundation for marriage.  Marriage is a kind of virtue.  It is natural in the sense that it perfects nature.

Now, what about polygamy?  Is that in accord with natural law, or not?  As we shall see, the answer is, 'In one way yes, and in another, no.'
Whether it is against the natural law to have several wives? 
Objection 1: It would seem that it is not against the natural law to have several wives. For custom does not prejudice the law of nature. But "it was not a sin" to have several wives "when this was the custom," according to Augustine (De Bono Conjug. xv) as quoted in the text (Sent. iv, D, 33). Therefore it is not contrary to the natural law to have several wives.
Objection 2: Further, whoever acts in opposition to the natural law, disobeys a commandment, for the law of nature has its commandments even as the written law has. Now Augustine says (De Bono Conjug. xv; De Civ. Dei xv, 38) that "it was not contrary to a commandment" to have several wives, "because by no law was it forbidden." Therefore it is not against the natural law to have several wives.
Objection 3: Further, marriage is chiefly directed to the begetting of offspring. But one man may get children of several women, by causing them to be pregnant. Therefore It is not against the natural law to have several wives.
Objection 4: Further, "Natural right is that which nature has taught all animals," as stated at the beginning of the Digests (1, i, ff. De just. et jure). Now nature has not taught all animals that one male should be united to but one female, since with many animals the one male is united to several females. Therefore it is not against the natural law to have several wives.
Objection 5: Further, according to the Philosopher (De Gener. Animal. i, 20), in the begetting of offspring the male is to the female as agent to patient, and as the craftsman is to his material. But it is not against the order of nature for one agent to act on several patients, or for one craftsman to work in several materials. Therefore neither is it contrary to the law of nature for one husband to have many wives.
Objection 6: On the contrary, That which was instilled into man at the formation of human nature would seem especially to belong to the natural law. Now it was instilled into him at the very formation of human nature that one man should have one wife, according to Gn. 2:24,"They shall be two in one flesh." Therefore it is of natural law.
Objection 7: Further, it is contrary to the law of nature that man should bind himself to the impossible, and that what is given to one should be given to another. Now when a man contracts with a wife, he gives her the power of his body, so that he is bound to pay her the debt when she asks. Therefore it is against the law of nature that he should afterwards give the power of his body to another, because it would be impossible for him to pay both were both to ask at the same time.
Objection 8: Further, "Do not to another what thou wouldst not were done to thyself" [*Cf. Tob. 4:16] is a precept of the natural law. But a husband would by no means be willing for his wife to have another husband. Therefore he would be acting against the law of nature, were he to have another wife in addition.
Objection 9: Further, whatever is against the natural desire is contrary to the natural law. Now a husband's jealousy of his wife and the wife's jealousy of her husband are natural, for they are found in all. Therefore, since jealousy is "love impatient of sharing the beloved," it would seem to be contrary to the natural law that several wives should share one husband.
I answer that, All natural things are imbued with certain principles whereby they are enabled not only to exercise their proper actions, but also to render those actions proportionate to their end, whether such actions belong to a thing by virtue of its generic nature, or by virtue of its specific nature: thus it belongs to a magnet to be borne downwards by virtue of its generic nature, and to attract iron by virtue of its specific nature. Now just as in those things which act from natural necessity the principle of action is the form itself, whence their proper actions proceed proportionately to their end, so in things which are endowed with knowledge the principles of action are knowledge and appetite. Hence in the cognitive power there needs to be a natural concept, and in the appetitive power a natural inclination, whereby the action befitting the genus or species is rendered proportionate to the end. Now since man, of all animals, knows the aspect of the end, and the proportion of the action to the end, it follows that he is imbued with a natural concept, whereby he is directed to act in a befitting manner, and this is called "the natural law" or "the natural right," but in other animals "the natural instinct." For brutes are rather impelled by the force of nature to do befitting actions, than guided to act on their own judgment. Therefore the natural law is nothing else than a concept naturally instilled into man, whereby he is guided to act in a befitting manner in his proper actions, whether they are competent to him by virtue of his generic nature, as, for instance, to beget, to eat, and so on, or belong to him by virtue of his specific nature, as, for instance, to reason and so forth. Now whatever renders an action improportionate to the end which nature intends to obtain by a certain work is said to be contrary to the natural law. But an action may be improportionate either to the principal or to the secondary end, and in either case this happens in two ways. First, on account of something which wholly hinders the end; for instance a very great excess or a very great deficiency in eating hinders both the health of the body, which is the principal end of food, and aptitude for conducting business, which is its secondary end. Secondly, on account of something that renders the attainment of the principal or secondary end difficult, or less satisfactory, for instance eating inordinately in respect of undue time. Accordingly if an action be improportionate to the end, through altogether hindering the principal end directly, it is forbidden by the first precepts of the natural law, which hold the same place in practical matters, as the general concepts of the mind in speculative matters. If, however, it be in any way improportionate to the secondary end, or again to the principal end, as rendering its attainment difficult or less satisfactory, it is forbidden, not indeed by the first precepts of the natural law, but by the second which are derived from the first even as conclusions in speculative matters receive our assent by virtue of self-known principles: and thus the act in question is said to be against the law of nature.
Now marriage has for its principal end the begetting and rearing of children, and this end is competent to man according to his generic nature, wherefore it is common to other animals (Ethic. viii, 12), and thus it is that the "offspring" is assigned as a marriage good. But for its secondary end, as the Philosopher says (Ethic. viii, 12), it has, among men alone, the community of works that are a necessity of life, as stated above (Q[41], A[1]). And in reference to this they owe one another "fidelity" which is one of the goods of marriage. Furthermore it has another end, as regards marriage between believers, namely the signification of Christ and the Church: and thus the "sacrament" is said to be a marriage good. Wherefore the first end corresponds to the marriage of man inasmuch as he is an animal: the second, inasmuch as he is a man; the third, inasmuch as he is a believer. Accordingly plurality of wives neither wholly destroys nor in any way hinders the first end of marriage, since one man is sufficient to get children of several wives, and to rear the children born of them. But though it does not wholly destroy the second end, it hinders it considerably for there cannot easily be peace in a family where several wives are joined to one husband, since one husband cannot suffice to satisfy the requisitions of several wives, and again because the sharing of several in one occupation is a cause of strife: thus "potters quarrel with one another" [*Aristotle, Rhet. ii, 4], and in like manner the several wives of one husband. The third end, it removes altogether, because as Christ is one, so also is the Church one. It is therefore evident from what has been said that plurality of wives is in a way against the law of nature, and in a way not against it.
Reply to Objection 1: Custom does not prejudice the law of nature as regards the first precepts of the latter, which are like the general concepts of the mind in speculative matters. But those which are drawn like conclusions from these custom enforces, as Tully declares (De Inv. Rhet. ii), or weakens. Such is the precept of nature in the matter of having one wife.
Reply to Objection 2: As Tully says (De Inv. Rhet. ii), "fear of the law and religion have sanctioned those things that come from nature and are approved by custom." Wherefore it is evident that those dictates of the natural law, which are derived from the first principles as it were of the natural law, have not the binding force of an absolute commandment, except when they have been sanctioned by Divine or human law. This is what Augustine means by saying that "they did not disobey the commandments of the law, since it was not forbidden by any law."
The Reply to the Third Objection follows from what has been said.
Reply to Objection 4: Natural right has several significations. First a right is said to be natural by its principle, because it is instilled by nature: and thus Tully defines it (De Inv. Rhet. ii) when he says: "Natural right is not the result of opinion but the product of an innate force." And since even in natural things certain movements are called natural, not that they be from an intrinsic principle, but because they are from a higher moving principle---thus the movements that are caused in the elements by the impress of heavenly bodies are said to be natural, as the Commentator states (De Coelo et Mundo iii, 28), therefore those things that are of Divine right are said to be of natural right, because they are caused by the impress and influence of a higher principle, namely God. Isidore takes it in this sense, when he says (Etym. v) that "the natural right is that which is contained in the Law and the Gospel." Thirdly, right is said to be natural not only from its principle but also from its matter, because it is about natural things. And since nature is contradistinguished with reason, whereby man is a man, it follows that if we take natural right in its strictest sense, those things which are dictated by natural reason and pertain to man alone are not said to be of natural right, but only those which are dictated by natural reason and are common to man and other animals. Thus we have the aforesaid definition, namely: "Natural right is what nature has taught all animals." Accordingly plurality of wives, though not contrary to natural right taken in the third sense, is nevertheless against natural right taken in the second sense, because it is forbidden by the Divine law. It is also against natural right taken in the first sense, as appears from what has been said, for such is nature's dictate to every animal according to the mode befitting its nature. Wherefore also certain animals, the rearing of whose offspring demands the care of both, namely the male and female, by natural instinct cling to the union of one with one, for instance the turtle-dove, the dove, and so forth.
The Reply to the Fifth Objection is clear from what has been said.
Since, however, the arguments adduced "on the contrary side" would seem to show that plurality of wives is against the first principles of the natural law, we must reply to them.
Accordingly we reply to the Sixth Objection that human nature was founded without any defect, and consequently it is endowed not only with those things without which the principal end of marriage is impossible of attainment, but also with those without which the secondary end of marriage could not be obtained without difficulty: and in this way it sufficed man when he was first formed to have one wife, as stated above.
Reply to Objection 7: In marriage the husband gives his wife power of his body, not in all respects, but only in those things that are required by marriage. Now marriage does not require the husband to pay the debt every time his wife asks for it, if we consider the principal end for which marriage was instituted, namely the good of the offspring, but only as far as is necessary for impregnation. But in so far as it is instituted as a remedy (which is its secondary end), marriage does require the debt to be paid at all times on being asked for. Hence it is evident that by taking several wives a man does not bind himself to the impossible, considering the principal end of marriage; and therefore plurality of wives is not against the first principles of the natural law.
Reply to Objection 8: This precept of the natural law, "Do not to another what thou wouldst not were done to thyself," should be understood with the proviso that there be equal proportion. For if a superior is unwilling to be withstood by his subject, he is not therefore bound not to withstand his subject. Hence it does not follow in virtue of this precept that as a husband is unwilling for his wife to have another husband, he must not have another wife: because for one man to have several wives is not contrary to the first principles of the natural law, as stated above: whereas for one wife to have several husbands is contrary to the first principles of the natural law, since thereby the good of the offspring which is the principal end of marriage is, in one respect, entirely destroyed, and in another respect hindered. For the good of the offspring means not only begetting, but also rearing. Now the begetting of offspring, though not wholly voided (since a woman may be impregnated a second time after impregnation has already taken place, as stated in De Gener. Animal. vii. 4), is nevertheless considerably hindered, because this can scarcely happen without injury either to both fetus or to one of them. But the rearing of the offspring is altogether done away, because as a result of one woman having several husbands there follows uncertainty of the offspring in relation to its father, whose care is necessary for its education. Wherefore the marriage of one wife with several husbands has not been sanctioned by any law or custom, whereas the converse has been.
Reply to Objection 9: The natural inclination in the appetitive power follows the natural concept in the cognitive power. And since it is not so much opposed to the natural concept for a man to have several wives as for a wife to have several husbands, it follows that a wife's love is not so averse to another sharing the same husband with her, as a husband's love is to another sharing the same wife with him. Consequently both in man and in other animals the male is more jealous of the female than "vice versa."
Notice Objection 8 and its reply.  This is the Golden Rule, which Aquinas defends as a general precept of natural law.  Yet here he raises it precisely to explain why it shouldn't hold in this case.  That's an oddity in several respects.  The first is that the argument is irrelevant to his interests -- he is arguing against the inclusion of polygamous beliefs in a Christian community, and therefore why object to an argument from natural law that seems to reinforce his position?

It's also unusual because Aquinas often argues against fairly clear Biblical passages that seem to create inequality between man and wife.  He devotes an entire question to proving that men and women should be judged equally in cases of divorce due to adultery, e.g., that women should have the same rights to object to it and demand divorce as men.  The objectors here have Biblical citations on their side, and not just Cicero!  (Indeed, they do on this occasion as well -- the citation proving the Golden Rule is to the Book of Tobais, "Quod ab alio oderis fieri tibi," i.e., 'Don't do to others what you hate').

Aquinas isn't quite right to say that wives having many husbands has never been sanctioned by any law; and it's not clear that he's right to say that the education of the offspring is done away with in these cases.  The Picts allowed women to take several sexual partners, and dealt with the resulting confusion about the fathers of children by deciding inheritance issues based on matrilineal lines, and raised the children in something like a communal fashion.

However, Aquinas might be right in saying that the practice is out of order with natural law, in this sense:  it was exactly this custom of the Picts that led to their subjugation and destruction.  The Scots (Scotti, in those days) coming from Ireland to places like Dal Riada, intermarried with the Picts, with the result that their daughters sent the family's wealth and position to the Scots; but their sons did not obtain any similar benefit from the Scots, who passed wealth and position to their sons.  Therefore, by the time of Kenneth MacAlpin, the Picts were in a position to be utterly and permanently subjugated; today there is almost no trace of them.

Now, let's look at the corpus.

We begin again with an analogy to Aristotle's Physics.  For most things besides people or animals, what is natural is determined by the form that inheres in the matter, e.g., the form of fire (which has the natural motion of going up) or the form of a magnet (which attracts or repels).  For animals, there is similarly a natural instinct that directs them, without very much judgment on their part.

Human beings are different in that they are capable of learning from the forms they encounter, so that they can understand the purpose behind the form.  Once they understand that, they can perfect nature.  This is a particular capacity of human beings -- you might say it is the essential nature of human beings.  What makes us men and not beasts is that we can order our lives toward virtue and the perfection of nature.

So, what is the end of marriage?  Aquinas says there are three, but that they are not equally important.

The first is what we have already called "the principle end."  Notice that this is the most important, even though the third end will prove to be about service to God as a member of the Christian world.  Why is that the case?  It is so because God made nature, and we are the only creatures that can understand the creation and perfect it: and therefore it is, you might say, our first duty to be perfectors of nature, sub-creators as Tolkien puts it.

Thus, anything that robs marriage of its 'principle end' is banned by natural law; but the secondary and tertiary ends are not banned by natural law.  They are banned by religious law, which is also very important for Aquinas!  The Medieval thinker believed that religious law should also be binding on us, so that for him there is no difference in outcomes; but in America, where we believe that religious law can only be accepted as a free choice, there might be.

That takes care of the first and third end, then.  The principle end is undisturbed, and therefore polygamy in the sense of having several wives (or polygyny, as Elise likes to put it) is in accord with natural law.  It is out of order for Christians, however.

The question, though, was about the Georgia school assignment related to Islamic polygamy.  They don't have the problem that it is out of order with their faith; in fact, Islam is very specific in providing an order for it.

That leaves us with the second end, which is where we will have to decide the matter.  Let's repeat it:
For its secondary end, as the Philosopher says (Ethic. viii, 12), it has, among men alone, the community of works that are a necessity of life, as stated above (Q[41], A[1]).... Wherefore the first end corresponds to the marriage of man inasmuch as he is an animal: the second, inasmuch as he is a man; the third, inasmuch as he is a believer. ... [While polygamy] does not wholly destroy the second end, it hinders it considerably for there cannot easily be peace in a family where several wives are joined to one husband, since one husband cannot suffice to satisfy the requisitions of several wives, and again because the sharing of several in one occupation is a cause of strife: thus "potters quarrel with one another" [*Aristotle, Rhet. ii, 4], and in like manner the several wives of one husband. 
There are really two objections here.  The first one is that the community within the household will not be as well ordered with a multitude of wives; it will be out of order as they quarrel or strive against each other.  (This was Cassandra's objection, although she phrased it in terms not of the women quarreling, but of the man gaining undue power within the marriage by freedom to pit the wives against one another.)

The second is that "the community of works" in general may be disrupted.  Aquinas doesn't go in to detail here, probably because he assumed that there was no chance of an outcome in which polygamy was really going to be licensed; but it is important for us.  A common understanding of what a family is, and how it ought to be structured, is surely a key part of civilization.  We need to know how to react to our neighbors, and we need the form to be well-ordered in this way as well.  Not only does the marriage need to produce offspring, and perfect their upbringing (the end inasmuch as we are animals), it needs to provide a stable building block for our society (the end inasmuch as we are human beings).  Inasmuch as we are Americans, we cannot stand on the third principle; whether or not that is a flaw in the American project, it is certainly at the core of that project.

It seems like it should be possible to build a rational argument on the ground provided by the second end, for those who wish to do so.    Aquinas has been very helpful in laying out just what the principles are that underlie marriage.  Let's discuss them, and see what we come up with from here.

Unmedicine

I saw a local specialist last week who recommended several thousand dollars in tests relating to the obscure, chronic, incurable, but otherwise not particularly awful condition I recently was diagnosed with. Having sprung for a lengthy consultation a couple of months earlier with a Houston doctor who turned out to have been my local guy's medical school professor on this subject, I wasn't convinced the tests were necessary. A phone call to the professor confirmed my view: the tests might or might not produce some interesting results, but they were highly unlikely to uncover any new aspect of my condition for which an immediate treatment was likely to be necessary, or even effective. So that's about $2,000 I don't need to spend (out of pocket, to boot, since I carry only catastrophic coverage and typically pay my own bills in cash).

All this is happening against the backdrop of recent articles questioning the conventional wisdom that screening and early treatment reduce deaths from breast and prostate cancer. I've always assumed I should submit in good grace to frequent mammograms, and that sensible men would get P.S.A. tests. It turns out there's real doubt whether there's any point to the early diagnoses and the treatments they inspire. In the case of breast cancer,
mammography is an inefficient method for detecting breast cancer. It’s much better at finding the indolent cancers that would have never caused harm than it is at finding the nasty, aggressive ones most helped by treatment. Statistics show that for 2,000 women screened by mammography over 10 years, one will be prevented from dying of breast cancer and 10 others will receive treatments for a cancer that would have never become life-threatening. That means that screening causes 10 times as many women to become cancer patients unnecessarily as it prevents from dying from breast cancer.
As noted by H. Gilbert Welch of the Dartmouth Institute for Health Policy and Clinical Practice in Lebanon, N.H., and author of "Should I Be Tested for Cancer?", this is the "overdiagnosis paradox":
“The more overdiagnosis the test causes, the more popular it is because there are more survivors,” he says. “The person who had a breast cancer diagnosed by mammography is tempted to view herself as being helped, but there are two other possibilities that are more likely,” he says. The first is that the person would have fared exactly the same without the mammogram, and the second is that the cancer the mammogram diagnosed was indolent and did not require treatment. “I always hope that the person who found cancer via mammography was helped,” says Welch, but on an individual level it’s impossible to say which category an individual person falls into. Statistically, the vast majority fall into the overdiagnosed category.
In other words, it's entirely possible that the women who survived breast cancer would have been fine even without the treatment, and that those who didn't get well had the sort of cancer that no treatment would have helped anyway. A similar picture emerges for prostate cancer and the P.S.A. test. Undiagnosed prostate cancer is so common that "[a]utopsy studies show that a third of men ages 40 to 60 have prostate cancer, a share that grows to three-fourths after age 85."
“Unfortunately, the evidence now shows that [the P.S.A] test does not save men’s lives,” said Dr. Virginia Moyer, a professor of pediatrics at Baylor College of Medicine and chairwoman of the task force. “This test cannot tell the difference between cancers that will and will not affect a man during his natural lifetime. We need to find one that does.”

. . . [T]here is little doubt that [the P.S.A. test] helps identify the presence of cancerous cells in the prostate. But a vast majority of men with such cells never suffer ill effects because their cancer is usually slow-growing. Even for men who do have fast-growing cancer, the P.S.A. test may not save them since there is no proven benefit to earlier treatment of such invasive disease.
If you'd like to think that modern medicine can delay certain kinds of death, this is bad news. If you're inclined to be fatalistic and to place strict limits on the degree to which you'll let aggressive medicine invade your life, it's actually pretty great. As the author of the article on prostate cancer suggested,
Not knowing what is going on with one’s prostate may be the best course, since few men live happily with the knowledge that one of their organs is cancerous.
Ditto, perhaps, for women and the breast cancer they may be harboring unawares. I've often thought there were medical conditions about my own body I'd just as soon not know about any sooner than I have to, particularly if the only treatment for them would be horrible, expensive, and only ambiguously effective.

A Song of Pain

I see that Hank Williams Jr. has a new song.  He'll do well with it; but many will say he is an unreconstructed outlaw because of it.

Perhaps it's worth taking a moment to remember what those outlaws stood for.  Here is a song by one of them, a man who knew how to be brutal, and who couldn't quite remember why he wasn't so entirely.  It's worth a few minutes of your time.

Now That Should Be An Interesting Read

Via Memeorandum, an interesting guest editorial:


Evil and Consciousness

The other day we saw John Gray's brutal but well-founded review of Stephen Pinker's new book.  The next step is to critique Gray's arguments, which are also problematic.  For example, he is correct here:
Like so many contemporary evangelists for humanism, Pinker takes for granted that science endorses an Enlightenment account of human reason. Since science is a human creation, how could humans not be rational? Surely science and humanism are one and the same. Actually it’s extremely curious—though entirely typical of current thinking—that science should be linked with humanism in this way. A method of inquiry rather than a settled view of the world, there can be no guarantee that science will vindicate Enlightenment ideals of human rationality. Science could just as well end up showing them to be unrealisable.
True enough: Science could do that. In his book, Straw Dogs, Dr. Gray seems convinced that it has done that: that humanity's free will is a sort of illusion. He is joined in this assertion by many neuroscientists:
Of course, people still commit innumerable bad actions, but the idea that people make conscious decisions to hurt or harm is no longer sustainable, say the new brain scientists. For one thing, there is no such thing as "free will" with which to decide to commit evil. (Like evil, free will is an antiquated concept for most.) Autonomous, conscious decision-making itself may well be an illusion. And thus intentional evil is impossible.

We have spoken about this problem before, but it's worth taking a moment to note that the notion is doubly self-rejecting. The most obvious self-rejecting sense is when you ask about the consequences of these ideas. If we believe this, shouldn't we reform criminal justice in order to avoid punishing those who are merely being driven to evil? But if we can reform the criminal justice system, in response merely to a concept that troubles our conscious minds, doesn't that mean that we do have some degree of free will after all? In that case, we shouldn't reform the system after all.

One of the scientists interviewed gets this.
Marks' paper warns of "aggressive marketing" of fMRI scans by intelligence-contractor types as "lie detector" substitutes that could be used to select candidates for "enhanced interrogation" if their fMRI indicates potential deception under ordinary interrogation. 
And he offered what I thought was one of the wisest responses to the debate over the existence of evil (and thus free will): 
What he suggested is that we ought to act as if we had free will to choose good or evil.
That happens to be Kant's solution to the problem as well, from the Groundwork to the Metaphysics of Morals. "I say every being that cannot act except under the idea of freedom is just for that reason in a practical point of view really free[.]" Well, in order to act to change the system, you must have the idea that you are free to act to change the system.

The second way in which the argument is self-refuting is the one in which the rejection of evil produces very clear examples of evil. The reviewer is clear about this in spite of himself.
He actually goes so far as to say, "Some people will need to be taken off the streets," on the basis of their fMRIs, "for a longer time (even a life time)." Neuroscientific totalitarianism invades your brain! The ultimate panopticon. No one seemed to notice or to care. It's science! 
No mention of constitutional rights or preemptive detention or the Orwellian implications of this for radical dissenters, say, those whose rage against injustice might need to be toned down in the brain gyms. 
I hesitate to say it, but these are evil ideas.
So the concept refutes itself insofar as it suggests an action we should not be able to take if the concept is actually true; and the concept refutes itself in that it produces clear examples of what it denies exist.  Dr. Gray and the others following this line are simply mistaken.

That is not to say that the Enlightenment view can be recovered in the wake of what we have learned about neuroscience.  I think it cannot be; it is clear that both sub/pre-conscious decisions are often made, and that we are much more informed by the physical nature of our surroundings than was obvious previously.

Yet it is also clear -- follow the third link above for the argument -- that we do make decisions consciously that inform these pre/sub-conscious processes.  We do have some degree of mastery over our fate, at least some free will.  What does that mean?

I suspect it means that the neoplatonists were right after all.  We need a new model for consciousness, one that recognizes both the connection between all things that Plotinus and others saw (an animating force, anima in the Greek, that St. Augustine appears to accept in some of his writings), and also the individual spirit that both Plotinus and the Christian neoplatonists agree upon (for Plotinus, this is the daimon).  Insofar as you have a spirit, you are free.  Insofar as you participate in the life force that binds the world, naturally you are infused and moved by it.  A ship is not free of the ocean that gives it purpose and defines its structure, and which moves the ship as well.

This is a subject that needs much more argument, but it is the place where I think the truth must lie.

The Stone Games


We are within a week of the Scottish Highland Games at Stone Mountain.  If any of you come out, I will be there.

Why might you come, if you are not descended from Scots yourself?  Because you are an American, I might say; and as an American you believe in the Declaration of Arbroath, even if you don't know it by name.
To [King Robert the Bruce], as to the man by whom salvation has been wrought unto our people, we are bound both by law and by his merits that our freedom may be still maintained, and by him, come what may, we mean to stand. 
Yet if he should give up what he has begun, and agree to make us or our kingdom subject to the King of England or the English, we should exert ourselves at once to drive him out as our enemy and a subverter of his own rights and ours, and make some other man who was well able to defend us our King; for, as long as but a hundred of us remain alive, never will we on any conditions be brought under English rule
It is in truth not for glory, nor riches, nor honours that we are fighting, but for freedom — for that alone, which no honest man gives up but with life itself.
That's 1320.  It's not the Enlightenment, it's not John Locke, it's not the Renaissance and it's not the Reformation.  It's an army of medieval fighting men making clear to the Pope that they would accept no kingship but under the condition that it protected their rights and freedom.  In this they spoke with the same voice as the knights and barons at Runnymede in 1215.

These are your real ancestors.  If you feel moved to to drink a dram in their honor, come to the Stone and follow the call of the pipes.

The Death of Egalitarianism



So, to recap:  We would like to acknowledge your extraordinary work, which has brought untold benefit to countless people.   However, we are devoted to the concept that no one is better than anyone else.  Your extraordinary accomplishments therefore disqualify you from speaking.

Move along.

Jackson and Jefferson

Major Leggett dropped by in the comments below to direct our attention to this article.  It's really about Jackson and his claim to prominence for the TEA Party movement, but there are strong lessons from Jefferson as well.
In his first message to Congress, Jefferson vowed to abolish all internal federal taxes and reduce federal expenditures and personnel. He attacked a system in which, "after leaving to labor the smallest portion of  its earnings on which it can subsist, government…consume[s] the residue of what it was instituted to guard." Hamilton was aghast. He said this attack on Federalism should "alarm all who are anxious for the safety of our government…" But John Quincy Adams, whose father had just lost the presidency, understood the force of Jefferson's proposals. They are, he lamented, "all popular in all parts of the nation." 

Jefferson governed as he had promised. He eliminated internal taxes, cut the size of government, reduced the national debt. He brushed aside Hamilton's concept of selling federal lands at robust prices in order to fill government coffers for federal infrastructure projects. Jefferson sold the lands to ordinary Americans at modest prices based on his vision that the West would fill up with independentminded farmers reveling in their land ownership and opportunity for self-betterment. He was confident that these yeoman folk would build up the nation from below, thus obviating the need for elites to build it up from above.
Now that's right in line with my own ideas even today:  a government that is structured to help individuals achieve the individual ownership of their own means of production (to put the matter in Marxist terms, in a way that would choke a Marxist).

Jackson inherited the populist wing of Jefferson's party, and led a revolution particularly directed against the Second Bank of the United States -- an organization devoted to 'stability in the currency,' which was the supposed intent of the Federal Reserve system we use today:  it was established during a series of panics around the turn of the last century.  The panics were real enough, but the system instituted to provide stability turned into a system for bankers to provoke, and profit from, boom-bust cycles.  Something similar was going on in Jackson's time.
State banks in the Northeast, where the war [of 1812] was unpopular, were protesting the war by hoarding the country's meager reserves of specie (gold and silver), forcing banks in other regions to rely on printed money. That unleashed a menacing wave of inflation and considerable economic dislocation. 

Thus, the Second Bank was established in 1816 in the country's financial center of Philadelphia. Immediately it slipped into corruption as its first president promiscuously violated terms of the charter, speculated in the bank's stock, and exploited the venal practices of the bank's branch members. Jones was forced out, and his successor sought to clean up the mess by calling in unsound loans, foreclosing on overdue mortgages, and redeeming overextended notes from state banks. The result was the Panic of 1819 as local banks slipped into bankruptcy, prices collapsed, unemployment soared, and a general economic malaise gripped the country. (Sound familiar?)
Unhappily, there is no Andrew Jackson on the ballot for next year.  We may, though, find useful principles in his example.  Those who form our political class today may need to be led to those principles by the nose, rather than leading from the front; but if we are to save the Republic, which to me seems less sure than once, it must be done.

Fall near the Hall

Today I went to the "Fall Festival" in a small Georgia town just a few miles away.  What did I find there?

1)  Several vendors had Gasden flags, and Gasden flag lapel pins, both apparently good sellers.

2)  The sound system played this Johnny Cash tune, and this Hank Williams Jr. tune.

It was all very familiar.  The pulled pork barbecue sandwiches were good, and if you ordered a hot dog you got two of them, on one big bun, for a dollar flat.  There were funnel cakes and lemonade, too.

Politics and Principles

Elise has been discussing the polygamy question at length, and has raised a point that really deserves a separate treatment.  The question has to do with the importance of principles, as opposed to emotional certainty, in politics.  It happens to be something that our friends on the Left are discussing as well, apparently due to the fact that their new avatars Occupying various things don't have any obvious principles.  An interesting and, I think, an argument worthy of consideration has appeared on the Left about why principles shouldn't be important.

This ties into the question about false consciousness, where Cassandra wanted to defend 'a large grain of truth.'  Elise gets to what is probably the core of any such grain:
I think perhaps the underlying question is, "What constitutes an argument based on principles?" I'm not going to claim that my emotional certainty polygamy is a bad idea is a principle but my conviction that a dyad is the best form for marriage may be.
I'm seriously out of my depth here but what about the case of a woman who asserts that she has no problem being married to a husband who beats her?
A principled argument is a kind of demonstration, in which you give an account of a thing that goes upwards from particulars to the core truths that give rise to those particulars.  In chemistry, a demonstration of this type would go from particulars like ice and water and steam to a higher truth -- the structure of H2O -- which explains why those particulars arise in given circumstances.  When you can give a demonstration of this type, you are arguing from principles.

You may still be wrong, of course.  Aristotle had a system of elemental chemistry that was quite principled, and succeeded in giving an account of why ice changes into water; but the principles gave way, on further evidence, to better principles that offer a fuller account.  This is important, because principled arguments are only as good as the principles underlying them.  It is important to return to the principles, and re-examine them carefully in every generation.

So, in terms of the argument that Elise offered about the dyad in marriage, it is indeed a principled argument:  the principle is that the convenience of the courts is an important feature of the marriage contract.  Because non-dyadic marriage is more legally complex, she argues, polygamy is impossible in a society like ours.

There are a couple of good things about principled arguments in politics.  The first one is that they give you standards that can prevent you from being led astray by a charming or persuasive politician.  This has been a problem since at least ancient Greece, where the complaint against Socrates (more properly aimed at the Sophists) was that he offered teaching in how to 'make the weaker argument appear the stronger.'  Utilitarian philosopher Neil Sinhababu, the first of our gentlemen of the Left, praises this aspect particularly.

Lots of people in politics want to get you excited in a way that'll get you doing what they want, so they'll work to create the right emotions in you. Given your psychology and their interests, it may be most effective for them to develop or manipulate your emotional attachments with a particular tribe or politician, either loving them or hating them. 
What's of fundamental importance in the world, and what good people are really trying to advance through involvement in public life, doesn't have a proper name like "Obama", "Bush", "Reagan", or "the Republican Party." It's described by more general terms like "the greatest happiness for all" or "helping people" or (according to views I think are wrong) "obeying God" or "property rights" or "the revolution." If you don't try to sort out what you care about at this level, the emotions that tie you to politics may attach to politicians and tribes and not the things that are described in well-reasoned principles. And then the things that motivate you won't be the things of real value.
The first benefit, then, is that you can be sure you are not swept off your feet.  One can certainly appreciate why this is a question of particular interest to thoughtful Leftists in the wake of 2008.

It is not only clever politicians that can sweep you off your feet.  Far more dangerous for most people are strong emotional reactions.  One can imagine a case in which a helpless girl child has been brutally murdered, and the wrong man is pinned with the crime.  How hard will it be for the jury to give him a fair hearing, given their fury at the crime, and the finger of authority pointing at him?

Not impossible, to be sure!  Yet the reason it is possible at all is that we have a strong principle about the importance of a fair trial.  We trust in that principle to cause the jury to put aside its anger and desire to punish, and demand of themselves that they hear the evidence fairly.

The other good thing about principles is that they give us grounds for addressing questions like Elise's: "What about the case of a woman who asserts that she has no problem being married to a husband who beats her?"  Is it really the case that there is no principled argument here?

If all we have is emotional certainty, we have to admit that other people are just entitled to theirs as we are to ours.  They have exactly the same standing to say, from their own unique perspective and position, "This seems right to me."  In order to say, "But it isn't right," we have to be ready to give a demonstration from principles.

It's not important that we should always do so.  To a large degree, many important questions really can be decided based on what 'seems right,' provided that we have a mechanism for making space for those who disagree.  This brings us to our second gentleman of the Left.
I’m sympathetic to Arendtian concerns about the mismatch between absolute principles and the intensely particular world of human affairs....   The reason I care about all of this gets back to the very beginning, when I was mentioned the possibility of being “uninterested” in principles. More to the point, I worry about those whose principles are not strongly enough held to entice them into political action, because I do share what I see as Madison’s concern: that it’s one thing to establish a republic in which all citizens are empowered to act equally, and quite another to figure out how to entice them to actually get involved. That’s the crisis of 1787; not just that the mechanics of the Articles were broken, but that republicans had always assumed that only a virtuous people could make a republic work, and as 1776 gives way to 1787 it’s increasingly clear that the people were to be corrupt, not virtuous. In my reading, Madison’s leap is to essentially jettison the assumption of virtue and try to use self-interest to entice people back into public action. That’s why Madison’s Federalist essays are so radical: he’s overturning not only centuries of assumptions about the mechanics of republics, but far more critical assumptions about the citizens of republics. Madison makes self-interest — not well-argued principles — the entryway for political participation precisely because he’s seeing all around him the lure of private happiness, rather than the appeal of public happiness. 
I think that's a really interesting claim about Madison.  I'm not sure it's right, but let's grant it for the sake of argument.  It surely is the case that our democracy intends to involve as many people as reasonable in at least the voting process, because the United States claims that its legitimacy depends on consent of the governed, as proven by their representation in government.  Thus, the more of the governed who vote for representatives, the more legitimate any action of the Federal government must seem.

So what if people are 'uninterested' in principles, and just want to live the way they think is best?

Arendt, as it happens, has a model for this:  it is based on Kant's approach to aesthetics in his third critique, the Critique of Judgment.  There is an immediately obvious sense in which a model like this is appealing.  Political questions are fundamentally questions about justice, and the language of justice is very often the language of beauty.  We say that a just decision, like a beautiful thing, is "balanced" or "harmonious" or "fulfilling" or even "stirring."  It is an emotional reaction rather than a scientific one; to put it in Arendt's terms, justice is a question about meaning, not a question about fact.

Justice isn't chiefly about exactly what happened, but about what would make it right.  Determining the facts is at most a preliminary condition.  I say "at most" because we very often set the facts aside if we determine that they were arrived at in a wrong way:  say by violation of 4th amendment rights without due process.  Nor is this particular to the American system:  we can see a similar setting-aside of facts in, say, Sir Thomas Malory's account of the trial of Guinevere.

So, to a degree I think we ought to try to make room for different emotional certainties about justice.  Fortunately, we have been provided with a way of doing that in very many cases:  the 10th Amendment.  In the wake of the 2004 elections, I wrote:
We should remember that they felt all the passion and concern that we did ourselves, and found that doing everything they could only led to the defeat of their cause. That kind of defeat can weaken the Republic, which many of us are sworn to uphold. It weakens it by undermining faith and confidence in the institutions. We must take care to be sure they find fair hearing of their concerns in the institutions that conservatives now control. The government must serve them as well. We should take care to observe the tenets of Federalism, and not use the power of the Federal government to try and influence liberal states according to a general will. We should erect new walls in that regard, so that our disappointed neighbors can still live the lives they want to live in what is also their country. 
This still seems right to me.  If we can restructure the American system along originalist lines, we can more readily ensure that 50 different systems of 'emotionally certain' ideas of justice can flourish alongside.  The 10th Amendment's push of almost all authority to the state and local level is the health of our Republic, especially as it becomes more diverse with age.

However, there are some questions that have to be decided for everyone.  I think these are questions that have to be decided on principle, precisely because otherwise we are enforcing our will on others whose moral standing is just as strong as our own.  Such enforcing will provoke a revolt, and more than that, it ought to provoke a revolt.

Since principles can be wrong, we still have plenty to argue about at the Federal level.  A principled argument is open to two different kinds of arguments, actually:  that the principles are wrong (modern v. Aristotle's chemistry), or that the application of the principles can be handled differently than posited (that legal ease can be achieved for the most complicated polygamy if they are organized legally as a sort of corporation or trust).

That still leaves lot of room for things you believe intensely, even if you can't say quite why.  Those things are good too, sometimes:  at least, they should be if they truly are aesthetic principles.  For aesthetics looks to the beautiful, and the True and the Beautiful finally prove to be only the first division of the Good.

Fire Is a Tree Running in Reverse

Photosynthesis converts sunlight into chemical bonds; a fire converts the stored chemical energy into heat and light. Really fast.

Other fun facts about fire here. I had read about the Peshtigo Fire in Wisconsin in 1871, which started on the same day as the Chicago Fire but got little publicity though it killed 1,200 people, but I hadn't heard about either the Sultana steamship fire of 1965, which killed 1,500 recently released Union prisoners, or the Great Dragon fire of 1987, which consumed 20 million acres of forest in China and the Soviet Union.
I am sure that everyone reading this has heard about these 'occupy whatever' protests. I saw the one in Philadelphia (for some reason clustered around city hall, instead of say, the stock exchange). And the protesters were the usual middle class socialist brats.

You could not make this stuff up if you tried:

Occupy Philly is on the 15th Street side of City Hall. If you wish to make donations, the food station is on the JFK Boulevard side. They need disposable plates, cups, napkins and cutlery. Food donations of non-perishables like rice, beans and grains are appreciated; also fruit with skins, like apples and oranges. They don’t need any more salad greens at this time.

Salad. Greens.

I can't stop laughing.

Harry Reid Goes Pseudo-Nuclear

I thought, if he was going to do it, he'd do it to pass Obamacare. For reasons I can't fathom, the Senate Majority Leader elected earlier this evening to set a precedent permitting a majority to change a critical Senate procedure, by-passing the usual requirement for a super-majority. This is not quite an elimination of the filibuster, but could be used to achieve the same result.

Reid set this startling precedent, not to pass a crucial bill, but to prevent the Republicans from forcing a vote on the President's jobs bill. Why? Apparently to avoid having to admit that the Democrats do not have enough votes to pass the bill even by a majority vote. Why is that important? Apparently because the election theme for the next year is to be that the economy would have improved if the jobs bill had passed, and the only thing preventing passage of the jobs bill was Republican "no" votes.

A high-stakes play for a body that may be controlled by the other party after the November 2012 elections.

Mr. Williams goes to Washington

I don't usually post so many videos in one day, but this campaign ad is rather amusing.



I'd say this is a pretty good representation of the perspective of the small farmer -- say a guy just slightly bigger than the yeoman farmer, the kind of guy who could employ a few people on his farm.

Perfidy by the Police and the Department of Justice



What makes this case outrageous is not merely that the motel owners are accused of no crime.  It is not even that the basis for the case is a small fraction of one percent of the guests they have had, or that these few arrests of guests are stretched over twenty years.

The real outrage here is that the government would have prosecuted the motel owners if the owners had engaged in the kind of invasion of privacy necessary to prevent the arrests.  If they had gone snooping in on their guests' privacy, listening to their phone calls, and otherwise undertaking the steps necessary to be sure that absolutely no illegal activity was happening there, they would be guilty of violating numerous laws.

The Federal government here is acting as what would -- if anyone but government did this -- be a criminal racketeering operation, allowing the local police to avoid state laws preventing this practice.  For the local police, the sin is perfidy.  They are flying the flag of state and local laws, which they have taken oaths to enforce.  In fact, they are intentionally sidestepping those laws for their own profit.

Tempus Belli

The Italians have the best sports.



The website of this group is here; it promises that this year's reconstruction held to rigorous standards of historical accuracy for the period of the wars from 1360-1410.  Clearly the Republic of Geona was a major plot element for the event, given the heraldry.

These things remind me of an old discussion of ours, which sadly is not available currently because of the loss of the old comments system.  The posts that inspired it were here, here, and here.  They start with the Laches, an early Socratic dialogue, in which Socrates and his companions explore whether the sport of fighting in armor is useful for developing the virtue of courage.  They end with Miyomoto Musashi, the great Japanese duelist.

Steve Jobs, R.I.P.

The Wall Street Journal collected a number of Mr. Jobs's sayings over the last quarter of a century. Here are his thoughts in 1985 about the future role of the Internet:
The most compelling reason for most people to buy a computer for the home will be to link it to a nationwide communications network. We’re just in the beginning stages of what will be a truly remarkable breakthrough for most people––as remarkable as the telephone. [Playboy, Feb. 1, 1985]
Eleven years later, on the optimism that leads people to suspect a conspiracy:
When you’re young, you look at television and think, There’s a conspiracy. The networks have conspired to dumb us down. But when you get a little older, you realize that’s not true. The networks are in business to give people exactly what they want. That’s a far more depressing thought. Conspiracy is optimistic! You can shoot the bastards! We can have a revolution! But the networks are really in business to give people what they want. It’s the truth. [Wired, February 1996]
Six years ago, on death:
Remembering that I’ll be dead soon is the most important tool I’ve ever encountered to help me make the big choices in life. Because almost everything — all external expectations, all pride, all fear of embarrassment or failure — these things just fall away in the face of death, leaving only what is truly important. Remembering that you are going to die is the best way I know to avoid the trap of thinking you have something to lose. You are already naked. There is no reason not to follow your heart. [Stanford commencement speech, June 2005]

You are already naked. There is no reason not to follow your heart.

Lothlórien

Almost every morning my Bing search engine greets me with a stunning image. This morning it's a cypress swamp in the George L. Smith State Park, Georgia. I thought at first those were forest fire flames in the background, but apparently it's just superb fall color.

Say it Ain't So, Bo.

Hank Williams Junior is socially unacceptable, now?

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When did that happen?  I'm thinking about 1979, during the last Obama administration.



The next thing you know David Allan Coe won't be thought presentable in polite company.

Pinker and Violence, Continued

John Gray undertakes to criticize the study we discussed earlier.

The idea that a new world can be constructed through the rational application of force is peculiarly modern, animating ideas of revolutionary war and pedagogic terror that feature in an influential tradition of radical Enlightenment thinking. Downplaying this tradition is extremely important for Pinker. Along with liberal humanists everywhere, he regards the core of the Enlightenment as a commitment to rationality. The fact that prominent Enlightenment figures have favoured violence as an instrument of social transformation is—to put it mildly—inconvenient.
Say Mao, for example.  To Pinker's assertion that 'we take it for granted that war happens in backward parts of the world,' Gray notes that this requires us to think of the entirety of Asia, post 1945, as backwards.

It's a pretty humbling and intense criticism, which is exactly what the argument merits.

For the Wall Street Protestors

'Of all the trades in Ireland, the begging is the best; for when a man is tired, he can stop and take his rest.'



I learned the song from Harry O'Donoghue, native born Irishman who these last few decades has made his living around Savannah.  I can't find his version of it online, but here's an appropriate song sung by him.  Like Savannah, the song is at least as American as Irish; in fact, it's a Bing Crosby tune.

My Father Sends



What Do [Those People] Want?

I see that, while I was gone, a number of "Occupy Wall Street" protests have been going on. This morning I ran across a Daily Caller article comparing the protest unfavorably to yesteryear's Tea Party rallies. I was amused to see that some Tea Partiers are mystified by the new protesters:
The “Occupy Wall Street” protest movement . . . has been described as the left’s response to the tea party. But do the two movements share any common ground?

According to Tea Party Patriots National Chairman Mark Meckler, the answer is an emphatic “no.”

“These are law breaking people,” Meckler told The Daily Caller. “We have nothing in common with them other than we are all American citizens. My read on the news is that they do not even know what they are protesting.”

Tea Party Nation founder Judson Phillips agreed. “I see very little in the way of commonalities between the two groups,” Phillips told TheDC. “The Occupy Wall Street protesters act mostly as a mob, without any real coherent explanation of their grievances."

I hear more than a faint echo of the constant complaint against Tea Partiers: that they were mindlessly angry and didn't have any coherent notion what they wanted. After all, no one could seriously want smaller government, right? Because most of these people held on to their Social Security and Medicare benefits for dear life. And who doesn't want highways and firemen? So what are they doing in the street? They must simply hate black people. The National Journal sniffed, "The current movement seems more against things than for something. They seem short on data and practical recommendations and long on venting." A NY Times blogger charged that "the Tea Partiers are overwhelming Republican or right-of-Republican — they are the same angry, ill-informed, overwhelmingly white, crypto-corporate paranoiacs that accompany every ascendancy of liberalism within U.S. government." A LaGrange citizen asked his local newspaper editor, "The Tea Partiers say they don’t like what the progressive movement has done to our country. What are they talking about?"

For that matter, I'm reminded of the time-honored question, "What do women want?"

I suggest that that phrase normally means something like, "I have a hard time imagining how anyone could seriously propose such a program, so I'm going to affect not even to be able to identify the program proposed." It's not an approach that will help us solve disputes among ourselves. In fact, the Tea Party's Mr. Phillips immediately contradicts his inability to understand the "Occupy Wall Street" agenda by complaining that the "protesters are upset about bailouts but they want to see that money used on more social programs" -- an agenda that I join him in opposing, but that nevertheless seems comprehensible enough. Tea Party Express co-founder Sal Russo did a better job, I think, of uncritical listening. He noted that the "Occupy Wall Street" protesters, like Tea Partiers, objected to crony capitalism:

“I think you find that the left and the right come together on that, kind of for different reasons, but come to the same conclusion that government ought not to be picking winners and losers.”

The Truth of Russia

Lars Walker's co-blogger Phil provides us with a story of the true and honest Russia.
Gumilyov had—like many of his peers—become enamored with the female poet Cherubina de Gabriak, and Voloshin stood in his way. It was soon discovered, however, that de Gabriak did not actually exist in corpus, and was instead a pseudonym manufactured by Voloshin and a then-unknown schoolteacher named Elisaveta Dmitrievna. The two had concocted the exotic alias in order to get two dozen poems published. Gumilyov, publisher of some of these poems, wound up penning amorous letters to de Gabriak, and he began receiving equally amorous responses. The offense could not go unpunished. This time, both duelists survived unscathed.
There is so much right with that description of the place, and the spirit of the people who live in that place.

Memories of Summer

Another summer is gone.  I did not much enjoy this last one, but that is a failing of mine; I should have done better with what I was given.  I did my best.  A son of Georgia does not love the summer as much as those further north in any case.

Yet it is gone, and with it that part of our lives that shall never return.  The autumn lies ahead, and for Southerners that is a fine thing:  cold cider and warm fires, and the turning of the leaves.  Still, for what I should have done and have not done, should have thought and have not thought, should have felt and have not felt, I pray thee mercy, Lord.

Requiem for a Sow

The great bears are, for reasons best known to scientists, given the adult names normally used for pigs -- boars and sows -- even though their kit are known as cubs.  Tonight one was put down:
A grizzly bear that fatally mauled a hiker in Yellowstone National Park was killed after DNA evidence linked the animal to the scene of a second hiker's death a month later, a park official said Monday. 
The decision to euthanize the 250-pound female bear was meant to protect park visitors and staff, Superintendent Dan Wenk said. 
However, the investigation remains open, and officials might never know definitively whether the same bear that killed California hiker Brian Matayoshi on July 7 also took the life of John Wallace of Michigan in August. 
Evidence showed multiple bears, including the sow, were near Wallace's body but not if the sow made any contact with Wallace. The bear was allowed to remain free after Matayoshi's death because park officials said it was reacting naturally to defend its two cubs.
They did not grasp the truth behind what Edward Abbey said:  "If people persist in trespassing upon the grizzlies' territory, we must accept the fact that the grizzlies, from time to time, will harvest a few trespassers.”

These are not dangers to be mitigated, but dangers to be celebrated.  What's the point of a life of easy mastery, without terror or danger?  These are our great friends and allies, who call us to be what we might be:  and if we die, what of it?  We were going to die anyway.

Firebrand on Polygamy

Elise has posted her promised piece on polygamy, which is part of a series she has kindly named after me.  At least, I hope she is intending to be kind.

She ends this way:

"I do not object to gay marriage. However, I do not consider those who do object to it to be stupid, ignorant, bigoted, shortsighted, ridiculous, not worthy of response, or crazy. Instead I respect their position, acknowledge the validity of their concerns, and couch my position in terms of my own preferences and my opinion that legalizing gay marriage will not undermine the role marriage plays - or should play - in holding society together. This leaves me free to oppose legalizing polygamy when the time comes. I realize full well that when I do argue against legalizing polygamy, I will be denounced as stupid, ignorant, bigoted, shortsighted, ridiculous, not worthy of response, or crazy. I’ll have to put up with that but I don’t plan to give anyone grounds to also denounce me as inconsistent."

I guess it's good to avoid inconsistency, exceptis excipiendis.  I do not support "gay marriage," for reasons explored in great detail in the comments here, but which largely boil down to my sense that marriage is wrongly thought of as a contract, and rightly thought of as a kinship bond.  The idea that any two people should be free to marry is part and parcel of the idea that marriage is just a contract between two individuals, which exists for their pleasure and convenience and can be dissolved for the same reasons.  Only when we see marriage as the institution that it really is -- the formation of a kinship bond that unites bloodlines across generations -- can we correctly account for the duties arising from it that are owed to both previous and subsequent generations.  These begin with not divorcing, but certainly include structuring marriage so that it has at least the theoretical potential of producing a subsequent generation.

So, I have never been a supporter of this concept called "gay marriage."  However, one argument against it that I never found convincing was the slippery slope argument that gay marriage might lead to polygamy.

The problem wasn't that the argument might not be in some sense accurate, but that the argument was unprincipled.  By this I mean that it did not have a grounding principle for marriage that could explain what the institution was, or what it was for.  All it was doing was trying to use a less-popular change to undermine support for a more-popular change.

If marriage really is -- as Elise says -- just whatever we decide to call by that name, then there is no foundation for the institution at all.  If it is, as I say it is, a kinship bond that unites bloodlines across generations, then polygamy at least preserves the core of the institution in a way that "gay marriage" does not and cannot.  The slippery slope argument doesn't work, because "gay marriage" is already the bottom of the slope.

Which, I suppose, is reason for hope in a sense; once one has reached the bottom, at least things won't get worse.

I've been reading St. Thomas Aquinas on the subject, whose arguments are sometimes very good and sometimes quite dodgy; we'll take a look at his lengthy piece on the subject in a bit.  Let's talk about Elise's ideas first.

Protest!

Goodness knows there's a lot going on in the country that merits a protest of some sort, but this ought to be embarrassing to everyone involved.  InfoWars, a site well known for conspiracy theories, is the voice of sober reflection here.
The ignorance displayed in these interviews knows no bounds. The protesters just don’t get it. They are calling for the government to use force to impose their ideas, all in the name of bringing down corporations who they don’t realize have completely bought off government regulators. Corporations and government enjoy a mutually beneficial relationship – getting one to regulate the other is asinine and only hurts smaller businesses who are legitimately trying to compete in a free market economy that barely exists.

The zeal for totalitarian government amongst some of the “protesters” is shocking. One sign being carried around read, “A government is an entity which holds the monopolistic right to initiate force,” which seems a little ironic when protesters complain about being physically assaulted by police in the same breath.
That sign represents one of the worst ideas ever to come out of the academy; the entire history of free societies speaks against it.  Every instance of liberty flowering is an instance of the exercise of that right, not by the government of the day, but in its teeth.