Against Sins of Openness

The American Mind proposes an interesting reading:
The postwar era has been characterized by a de-regulatory consensus. This has a cultural dimension. In the 1950s, mainstream liberal writers bemoaned “organizational man” and wrote about the “lonely crowd.” More and more people came to reject legally (and socially) enforced racism—the epitome of bad cultural regulation. These concerns about intrusive and unsustainable regulation intensified in the 1960s.... Sexual liberation was but one part of a much larger project of cultural de-regulation, championed mostly by the center-left, but often with the center-right’s cooperation. (See the history of no-fault divorce....

The de-regulatory consensus also had an economic dimension. In 1945, sixty-five percent of American GDP went to the war effort. Our economy was regulated by production goals, price controls, and all manner of central planning. From the time Truman released Detroit from military production quotas, the American economy has been on a trajectory of de-regulation.... As the Soviet empire was crumbling in 1990, George H. W. Bush addressed the United Nations. He urged a global effort to create a future of “open borders, open trade, and, most importantly, open minds.” This formulation could well serve as the postwar era’s catechism, which, again, I must emphasize rested upon a center-right and center-left consensus. By the time Barack Obama had become president, Bush’s formulation was thought to express a metaphysical truth...

Today’s populism rejects the de-regulatory, “openness” consensus. Building the “beautiful wall” was one of Trump’s most effective campaign slogans. It is the image of closure, not openness. Trump backed this up not only with promises to combat illegal immigration, but to also rip up free trade agreements and build a wall of economic protectionism. All of this was laced with un-nuanced, pro-American rhetoric. Meanwhile, Trump addressed social conservatives with blunt directness. He did not reiterate conservative pieties about appointing judges who will “respect the constitution.” Instead, he said he would appoint pro-life judges. He did not promise to protect religious freedom; he promised to say “Merry Christmas.” He repeatedly, pungently, and unapologetically violated the canons of political correctness, which is the police arm of the cultural de-regulation project.
I would have said that political correctness was the police arm of a regulatory project: it doesn't intend to stop people from judging, but to pass judgments (sometimes quite harsh ones, which can destroy careers or ruin lives). Still, there's a point to be made here:
Conservatives like the word “freedom.” That’s a better word than “open,” which has utopian connotations of limitless and borderless existence: we are the world! But we need to learn from Trumpian populism. At the end of the postwar era, the meaning of “freedom” has become libertarian and de-regulatory, almost a synonym for “open.” As a consequence, conservative voters — voters who want to renew and restore something solid and enduring in America — no longer thrill to our rhetoric of freedom....

The postwar era is ending. The center-left politics of cultural de-regulation no longer commands widespread support, which is why it has to rely on a punitive, hectoring political correctness. The center-right project of economic de-regulation is losing its appeal, especially in its global aspects. Voters are rebelling. They want national reconsolidation, cultural stability, and relief from ever-intensifying economic competition. We see it in Europe. It’s happening in the United States. I say, thank goodness.

4 comments:

Christopher B said...

I'm trying to come up with this deregulation culture he's talking about. Economic deregulation, while we created the EPA and numerous other regulatory agencies, strengthened the role of the Fed, vastly expanded transfer payments? Social deregulation, while we created the EEOC, passed the 1964 Civil Rights Act, and vastly expanded the role of courts and lawyers in our civic life?

I think he's generally right but what today's populists are rebelling against is not deregulation, but regulations that they don't like.

Grim said...

It's sort of like the PC thing. He's got a point, sort of, but he's going too far in reading this as a regulation vs. de-regulation contest. The populist movement definitely wants some regulations, as for example by re-establishing the centrality of loyalty to America's culture and heritage. But they don't want PC regulations on how they think and talk. Trump would be an unlikely avatar for a push to re-regulate sexuality or divorce; if that were the interest, Mike Pence might have been at the top of the ticket instead. Trump is there to build the wall (which so far he has failed to do) and smack down those who are constantly talking as if America was a sort of Original Sin we should always be trying to purge from ourselves.

Tom Grey said...

Also, many many Christians want both pro-life policies AND the ability to be Christian, in the public square, without being labeled a homophobic, woman-hating, Nazi.

For RR Reno, previously of First Things, to ignore the Christian aspect of populism, is probably very telling -- he's a bit ashamed to be pro-Christian.

Christian Capitalist civilization needs to be accepting that it is not and has never been perfect, but can be justifiably proud of how great it has been. How much better than any Muslim, Hindu, or Confucian based civ; how much better than socialist places and tribalist places.

Being proud to be a Christian needs to be as legal and accepted as being proud to be LGBTQ or Black or Muslim. Most PC groups are far less accepting of Christians, who were previously a dominant majority.

It's quite popular among populists to at least pay lip service to Christian values.

Grim said...

I think the populism is Christian here in the same way that it is Islamist in Turkey. It's a recognition that this faith and its value system are the backbone of the civilization, and should therefore be given extra leeway to inform things like legislation on moral norms.

Of course, that points up the danger, too. You don't want a Christian'ist' society like the Islamist one forming up in Turkey. You want to be able to say somehow that Christian moral norms are appropriate sources for law here, but also that freedom of conscience needs to be protected. So that's regulatory on the one hand, but also deregulatory on the other, to use the language of the article.